page 18.4
"he is scum"
<we hope you appreciate that when the library scanner goes
out we have to single finger type stuff like this.>

best lines from the article.
- the secret service,
when ordered to kidnap a troublesome citizen, at first balk, but only because they learn that
the man is guarded by local police, and they might have to kill “brother officers.” hey, anyone
else is fair game – bang goes the citizen.
- it is COMMON for police and secret
service agents to supplement their income
by forming gangs for extortion
and kidnapping.
- the secret service is
“controlled by criminals.”
when told this putin says, “thankyou” and is never heard from again.
- the murdered
man was told that, “if you are
innocent, you have nothing to fear,” and that the system would extend
him, “forgiveness.” if he is
innocent, why does he require “forgiveness”? and what is this “system” that
seems to dominate all things?
- one ex-agent has a business that handles both soft drinks
and “bodyguards” – the later
a very common profession in russia.
nice mix, hu?
- the current official
theory is that the dead man “killed
himself” with impossible
to obtain polonium, or that a colleague did it in an unjust plot to discredit the secret service.
- putin stated, “I
don’t believe in conspiracy theories,” and that, “frankly, I’m not worried about it,” that “we can
look down from the height of present stability” and dismiss the incident.
- putin arranges bombings to secure his power.
wall street journal -
-cret, mr. litvinenko instead turned it over to a prominent tycoon who
later aired excerpts on national television. mr. letvinenko then held a
news conference denouncing the security service, known as FSB.
afterwards he and some of his cohorts were fired from their jobs and he
was jailed on criminal charges.
mr. gusak, who was also fired, and other colleagues were furious with
mr. litvinenko. mr. gusak says colleagues came to him afterwards to
offer their sympathies – and one offered to kill mr. litvinenko,
asking, “shall I bring you his head?” mr. gusak says he
replied, “don’t bother. he’s scum.”
another crucial player in the litvinenko saga is boris berezovsky, the
tycoon who aired the tape. the move backfired on mr. berezovsky, who
was trying to gain influence by discrediting top FSB officers and two
years later fled to london to avoid prosecution. mr. litvinenko soon
followed him there. at one point mr. lugovoi also worked for mr.
berezovsky.
british prosecutors did not say yesterday that mr. lugovoi was working
for anyone in the murder of mr. litvinenko. british police say mr
lugovoi and another former security officer left a trail of rare
polonium residue that traced back to russia, where most of the
world’s supply is produced in government-run reactors. though
used in industry in trace quantities, specialists say the dose that
killed mr. litvinenko was massive and most likely came direct from the
producer. messrs. lugovoi and the other former officer, dmitri kovtun,
have said they played no role in the poisoning, and long ago severed
their ties with russian security services.
the tangled case is full of characters with changing loyalties and
agendas – including mr. litvinenko himself. his friends believe
that the plot to kill him was hatched years ago, and that the FSB was
using former agents to execute the plan.
a former FSB agent and sometime litvinenko ally, mikhail trepashkin,
contends the agency tried as recently as 2002 to punish mr. litvinenko,
and that he was recruited for the job. mr trepashkin, confined to
prison in the ural mountains, smuggled a letter to that effect to a
moscow newspaper earlier this year. mr. tepashkin was the alleged
target of one plot detailed in the 1998 video tape, and appeared
alongside mr. litvinenko at his infamous news conference.
mr. putin has stayed close to the FSB since becoming russian president,
frequently returning to praise its work at official gatherings. amid of
a string of bloody terror attacks and other security failures, mr.
putin has doggedly shielded the FSB from criticism and strengthened it
with new powers and a massive increase in funding.
mr litvinenko started at the FSB near the bottom, as an officer
guarding convoys of gold and diamonds. after the breakup of the soviet
union, he was assigned to an economic crime unit where, he once wrote,
many officers moonlighted for businesses and ran extortion rackets to
supplement their income.
in 1994, he was assigned to a case that symbolized the breakdown in
post-soviet russia. a massive car bomb in downtown moscow demolished
the mercedes of mr. berezovsky, decapitating his driver and nearly
killing him. mr litininko never solved the murder. but he did
strike up a friendship with mr. berezovsky.
a former mathematician, mr. berezovsky was the archetypal
“oligarch,” a tycoon who combined political contacts with a
vast business empire to amass unparalleled influence and businesses
from oil to television. the nerve center of his empire was a renovated
19th-century mansion that he turned into a social club for
russia’s business and political elite.
when moscow police, investigating the contract murder of a prominent TV
executive, showed up at the mansion to search for evidence in 1995,
they were stopped by mr. litvinenko, who identified himself as an FSB
officer. “he said that if anyone entered he would shoot,”
said yuri skuratov, who later investigated the TV executive’s
murder as russia’s top prosecutor. police “were never able
to make a proper search,” he said. the murder remains unsolved.
mr berezovsky denies any involvement in the TV executive’s
killing, and says mr litvinenko probably saved his life by preventing
moscow police from framing him for the murder. he says that he offered
to pay mr. litvinenko for his help, but that mr. litvinenko refused.
mr. litvinenko’s security service colleagues say they began to
regard him with suspicion. mr gusak, his immediate boss, said in an
interview that agents began to call mr. litvinenko
“skvoznyak” – russian for “draft” or
“breeze” – because he was leaking FSB secrets to mr.
berezovsky.
then came the april 1998 video-tape. the men told the interviewer that
they had been promoted in 1997 to a special unit charged with fighting
“banditry” whose existence was secret even within the ranks
of the FSB. but the officers soon clashed with their commanders, who
they said were sending them on illegal missions. mr. gusak said that he
received word that there was an order to have him killed, so they made
the videotape to protect themselves.
mr. gusak, the heavy set senior officer of the group, was quieter than
the rest as he stared into his ashtray and smoked during most of the
tape. mr. litvinenko and another junior officer, andre ponkin, were
more talkative. seated on a couch and some chairs around a small table,
the officers complained they were being used as errand-boys for bosses,
and ordered to terrorize the agency’s enemies. one of their first
assignments, they said, was to beat up or kill mr. trepaskin, who had
spoken to a moscow newspaper about then FSB abuses.
as they refused to carry out orders, their bosses had come to distrust
them, they said. the tension deepened after the squad was told to
abduct the brother of a prominent chechen businessman in moscow and
secure a $2 million dollar ransom, to pay for the release of two FSB
officers kidnapped in chechnya.
the officers said they prepared for the job: they sought the advice of
a sniper, and found a dacha on moscow’s outskirts were they could
stash the prisoner. but then they discovered their target was guarded
by moscow police, mr. gusak said. “naturally the question arose
whether to kill some of our brother officers,” said mr. gusk on
the tape. that, he added, “would not be very pretty.”
the officers repeatedly postponed the kidnapping to focus on
lower-profile cases. but just before the new year, their boss called
them into his office and berated them. mr. litvinenko said on the tape
that one of the commanders, alexander kamyshnikov, demanded to know
whether he would follow an order to kill mr. bereznovsky. when mr.
litvinenko hesitated, he said, mr. kamishnikov walked up to him and
shouted at him, nose to nose: “you have to kill
berezovsky!” mr. kamishnikov could not be reached for comment.
mr. gusak said on the tape that he was asked the same question, but
took it as a test of loyalty, not an order, and says now that there was
never any serious plan to kill mr. berezovsky. but he said mr litvinko
told the tycoon that a plot existed in order to curry favor with him.
mr berezovsky went to the FSB director to demand an investigation.
unsatisfied with the results, he later arranged for the agents to
report to a senior kremlin official, triggering an official probe. by
summer 1998, the director of the FSB was sacked. it’s not clear
whether the firing had anything to do with pressure from mr. brezovsky.
replacing the diector was mr, putin, who was then a little known
functionary from the kremlin administration. mr. berezovsky says in an
interview that he had a good relationship with mr. putin, who he knew
from his days as a bureaucrat in st. petersburg. hoping to spur a
housecleaning at the FSB. mr. berezovsky says he then arranged a
personal meeting between mr. litvinenko and mr. putin. the meeting
lasted about 10 minutes, mr. litvenko told friends. mr. litvinenko
later described in a book he wrote that he brought mr. putin a diagram
explaining how parts of the FSB were being controlled by criminals. he
also gave mr. putin a list of officers he considered to be honest. mr.
putin thanked him, and said he would consider the information, mr.
litvinenko wrote. they never met again, mr. litvinenk’s friends
said. a kremlin spokesman said he couldn’t confirm or deny that
account.
seeing no action, mr. berezovsky decided to go public with his attacks
on the FSB. in november1998 he published an open letter in a moscow
newspaper urging mr.putin to investigate the alleged FSB plot to kill
him.
later that month mr. litvinenko and several colleagues followed up with
a news conference. mr. litvinenko led the event, and said the FSB was
running private hit squads and extortion rackets. he urged the FSB to
purge top manager who were “giving illegal orders to commit act
of terrorism, killings, hostage takings and extortion.” mr.
trepashkin appeared at a news conference with them, as a victim of FSB
abuse.
mr. litvinenko appeared bare-faced at the conference. his colleagues
tried to conceal their identities – some whore sunglasses, and
one wore a ski mask. mr. gusak, who was outside moscow, didn’t
participate. but in the next few days after the press conference the
television station under mr. berezovsky’s control began
broadcasting excerpts of the videotape in which officers, without masks
or sunglasses, discussed the sordid details of their secret unit in
detail.
mr. gusak said he never gave permission to air the videotape. sergei
dorenko, the journalist who aired it, decided to make it public because
the FSB’s inner workings came out at the press conference anyway.
gradually, the identity of all the officers at the news conference and
on the tape leaked out.
mr. puti dismissed the allegations as a public relations stunt and
threatened to sue for libel. an investigation concluded there was no
plot to assassinate mr. berezovsky, although some of mr.
litvinenko’s bosses might have joked that they would like to see
him die. “the whole story of the press conference…shows
the inner sickness of our system,” mr. putin told a russian
reporter later, saying the agents seemed to be trying to ingratiate
themselves with mr. berzovsky. he never sued, however.
mr litvinenko was fired from the FSB in the next months. so were his
colleagues who appeared at the news conference. some recanted their
statements, and said that mr. berezovsky had paid or pressured them to
make their accusations. they blamed mr. litvinenko for dragging them
into a fight they wanted no part of.
also fired from the FSB was mr. gusak. he was charged with extortion,
kidnapping, and using excessive force on a suspect who later died. most
of the charges were dismissed, and he received a suspended sentence
after one month in prison.
mr. litvinenko was also arrested in 1999 for alleged abuses that he
committed years earlier. the charges were dropped but but mr.
litvinenko was re-arrested on different charges, then released again.
mr litvinenko went to work for mr. brezovsky full-time as a security
consultant.
mr. brezovsky initially supported mr, putin’s rise to the
presidency in 2000, but soon clashed with the new president. facing
criminal charges, mr. berezovsky fled to london in november of that
year, vowing to fight to remove mr. putin. mr. litvinenko followed him
and applied for political asylum. in 2002 he was convicted in absentia
of abuse of office in moscow. he remained on mr. berezovsky’s
payroll, and lived in a house owned by mr. brezovsky in london’s
north end.
from london he helped mr. brezovsky wage a campaign against mr. putin
through books and internet articles. one former colleague from his FSB
unit and his 1998 press conference, viktor shebalin, gave an interview
to a moscow newspaper in 2000 in which he blamed mr. litvinenko for
manipulating his co-workers to benefit mr, berezovsky and “strike
a huge blow against the special services.” mr. shebalin called
mr. litvinenko to return to russia and give himself up. “if
you are innocent, you have nothing to fear,” he said. “but
know this – traitors are not forgiven.”
mr. trpashkin said he was recruited in 2002 for a plot against
litvinenko by mr. shebalin. mr trepashkin wrote that mr. shebalin had
been offered “forgiveness” in return for his help, but mr,
trapishkin said he refused to join and remained unrepentant. mr.
shebalin could not be reached for comment.
the next year mr. trepashkin was arrested for weapons possession, and
later convicted of revealing state secrets in a case that human-rights
groups say was politically motivated. british detectives who came to
russia earlier this year to investigate mr. litvinenko’s murder
were not allowed to speak to him.
in london, mr. litvinenko told friends that he received death threats,
but believed his british citizenship would protect him, said vladimir
bukovsky, a soviet-era dissident who befriended him. he continued to
meet with former security service colleagues, mr. bukovsky said.
last year, mr. berezovsky began cutting back mr. litninenko’s
monthly allowance, after the two agreed he would find work as a private
detective, mr, berezovsky says. mr. litvinenko told friends he was
compiling reports for western clients who wanted to know about business
groups in russia.
his new business brought him in touch with mr. logovoi, a former
kremlin security officer who also worked for mr. berezovsky in the
1990s in russia. mr. luguvoi prospered under mr. putin, as head of a
beer and soft drink business and a firm that provided bodyguards to
prominent businessmen and politicians.
on a business trip to london in october 2006 mr. lugovoi introduced mr.
litvinenko to mr. kovtum. mr. lugovoi said they discussed business at a
second meeting november 1 at the mayfair millenium hotel in london,
after which mr. litvinenko fell ill. for three weeks doctors were
unsure what kind of ailment had struck him, but a few hours before he
died scientists from a united kingdom atomic laboratory detected in his
urine the polonium 210.
afterwards, police found traces of the polonium in the hotel where mr,
litvinenko had met mr. lugovoi and mr. kovtun. they also found polonium
210 traces in mr. lugovoi’s hotel room and in an apartment that
mr. kovtun visited in hamburg, germany, on his way to london from
moscow. it was unclear yesterday why british authorities charged only
mr. logovoi.
in russia, state run media have suggested that mr. brerezovsky arranged
the poisoning to discredit the kremlin, or that mr. litvinenko killed
himself. mr gusak, today a defense lawyer in moscow, says security
services had nothing to do with mr. litvinenko's’death - –
but that he deserved to die for revealing state secrets.
mr. putin says he does not believe reports that mr. berezovsky arranged
the scandal. “I do not really believe in conspiracy theories and,
quite frankly, I am not very worried about it,” he said in a
meeting with journalists this year. “the stability of russian
statehood allows us to look down on this from above.”